Maggie and Leopold
by Luciano D'Orazio
General Leopoldo Galtieri, who died Jan. 12 at the age of 76, was one of four
generals who led Argentina's military government between 1976 and
1983. His
government, like the two that preceded it and the one that followed, participated
in the "dirty war," wherein somewhere between 9,000 and 30,000
left-wing political opponents were tortured, killed or abducted and presumed dead.
Galtieri's government was involved in the disappearance of children born to leftists
in custody during his administration, as well as the kidnapping and torturing of 20
members of the Montoneros, a left-wing guerrilla group. Known as an alcoholic and
an oppressive tyrant, there is no doubt Galtieri was a bad guy.
Galtieri served less than a year, from November 1981 until June 1982. But what made
his brief sojourn in the Argentine presidency remarkable, though,
was that unlike his fellow sadists-in-chief who sat idly by while the Argentine
economy sank, he turned to an old adage: If the economy's in the toilet, pick a
fight with somebody. The fight he picked was over a small group of islands in the
South Atlantic, population 2,000, and he picked it against Great Britain, a
tottering shell of its former self which was only beginning to get ahold of its own
economic crisis. The fight became known in Argentina as La Guerra de las Malvinas,
and in the rest of the world as the Falklands War. And it accomplished only one thing:
the destruction of the Argentine dictatorship.
When the junta came to power in a military coup in 1976, the second order of
business after tightening control and neutralizing political opponents in brutal
and interesting ways was to deal with the massive economic crisis that brought
them into power in the first place. The country was suffering from massive
hyperinflation, with rates soaring to 400 percent. The junta decided to open the
floodgates to foreign products and allow the free market to dictate prices,
therefore stabilizing the economy. In the beginning, this worked rather well,
well enough that in 1978 Argentina staged the World Cup as a showcase of its
economic progress (with the human-rights abuses pushed conveniently to the
background). It also helped that Argentina won that tournament (although as with
the 1970 Brazil World Cup win it was probably done with a wink and a nudge from
the wizened generals in the box).
However, the good times
did not last long. The flood of foreign imports decimated
Argentina's once-viable manufacturing sector, wiping out any short-term economic
gains. By 1981, inflation had skyrocketed to more than 600 percent per year, the
GDP was down
11.4 percent, manufacturing output was down 22.9 percent and real wages were down
19.2 percent. Predictably, unrest built over the mass "disappearances."
Ordinary citizens were joining the mothers of missing leftist dissidents in
protesting outside the Casa Rosada, the presidential palace in Buenos Aires. The
time was right for a change of guard.
But the new president, Galtieri, decided to divert attention by turning to an
allegedly long-standing grievance against the British Empire. In 1833, the
British occupied and annexed the Falkland Islands off the coast of Argentina, and
ever since it has been a dreary backwater of the empire, suited better to sheep and
penguins than people. The Argentine government claimed (and still does) that the
islands, which they call the Islas Malvinas, are rightfully theirs because of the
1494 Treaty of Tordesillas, which divided the New World between Spain and Portugal.
It's an outdated, archaic claim, especially considering that the line probably would have made
the United States Spanish territory, but it was enough of a justification to
Galtieri to launch an invasion of the Falklands on April 2, 1982. The date itself
was an act of desperation, since it had to be moved up from Independence Day, July
9, due to mounting demonstrations from labor unions.
Galtieri doubted the British had the stomach to defend the islands. A severely
weakened former colonial power, Britain was recovering from a disastrous economic
crisis of its own. What he did not count on was the iron will of
the new prime minister, Margaret Thatcher, who herself was flagging in popularity
at home. Against the wishes of many of her senior ministers who would have preferred
to forget
the whole thing, Thatcher decided to teach Galtieri a lesson. She launched a
military expedition to take the islands on April 25. What followed was a 78-day
long conflict which killed 255 British and more than 700 Argentines but ultimately
resulted in the re-capture of the islands. The effects of the war reflected the war
itself: Thatcher was re-elected to another term, and Galtieri was forced into retirement
as the military government sank into collapse.
Galtieri's move worked on the home front, at least at first. The war was initially
very popular in Argentina, as protests against the government morphed into
demonstrations supporting the brave boys taking back "their" Malvinas. However,
as the weeks dragged on, and the government impressed men into service largely
against their will the mood changed. And once again the people rediscovered the
misery and repression they lived under. It didn't help that the Argentines were
losing badly, having ships sunk in their own Rio de la Plata. Seven hundred body bags just
exacerbated the situation. To the mothers of disappeared prisoners, the open sight
of dead Argentines led to clamoring protests to enlighten the masses on other dead
Argentines the government insisted didn't exist. The economy continued its downward
spiral.
In the end, Galtieri would be tried, convicted, pardoned and tried again for crimes
committed under his administration and the administrations of the other three
generals in the junta. For the most part, because of his short tenure, Galtieri's
personal crimes are probably a drop in the bucket compared to Rafael Videla and
others who hung around long enough to torture and kill in sufficient quantity.
But if Leopoldo Galtieri will be remembered for anything he did, it is
being desperate enough to pick a losing fight with the British. He took on Maggie
Thatcher, thinking the fireworks would keep the people occupied. Too bad the
fireworks were on him. The Brits emerged triumphant. Galtieri was out of a job.
And the Argentines the repressed, overpriced, underpaid Argentines would get
their democracy back.
E-mail Luciano D'Orazio at loudogs1@aol.com.