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THE WAR IN IRAQ

A Front-Line Cure for Frivolous Wars
by James Norton

Progressive Agenda
by Joshua Adams

Our Own War, Part II
by Nate Wood

Our Own War, Part I
by Nate Wood

Skeletons in the Closet
by J. Daniel Janzen

Recycle Hillbillies for Victory
by J. Daniel Janzen

Cool Britannia
by Robert Dunsford

In Memoriam: Michael Kelly
by P.J. Tigue

Ethics in Iraq
by P.J. Tigue

Shock and Awe Through Coaching
by Bob Cook

A Win for the Boys
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Bloodless
by Clay Risen

Bush's "Fireworks"
by Damion Matthews

Iraq's Hold Music
by James Norton

The Wolfowitz Memo
by J. Daniel Janzen

Spanish Thoughts in Andalucía
by Luciano D'Orazio

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Cool BritanniaCool Britannia
by Robert Dunford

It's often said the United States and the United Kingdom are divided by a common language — a "tap" becomes a "faucet" and a "boot" becomes a "trunk." Since the Iraq war started, though, it is not only the language that has divided the two nations — the two nations' attitudes toward the war display a gulf almost as wide as the Atlantic itself. The US public may see it as Gulf War II: Liberation of Iraq. But its UK counterpart isn't so sure. All is not well in the coalition of the willing.

The proof of the Mother Country's doubt is in the figures. In the United States, President Bush commands poll ratings of around 70 percent for the Iraq conflict. But in the United Kingdom, when the US forces entered Baghdad, approval for the war reached a relatively low 55 percent, according to YouGov polling. Before the war started, support for the war was a mere 36 percent (in a poll taken March 7). As expected, when "our boys" (as a top British tabloid lovingly calls the British armed forces) went into battle, this rose dramatically, but this war nevertheless has the potential to be the most unpopular conflict in the UK since Vietnam.

Media attitudes reflect this reserve. The US military receives very favorable, enthusiastic coverage from its own news networks, such as CNN and Fox News. But British news networks, such as Sky News and the BBC, are often circumspect, and they are not afraid to show more "balance." Indeed, one sometimes gets the sense that UK news networks are covering the war out of obligation, not because they want to, and certainly not as cheerleaders. And because British news coverage has traditionally been politically conservative, the obvious lack of passion for the current conflict is all the more striking.

Why the reluctance? Does the British public consider it a US-led war? As on the Continent, many in the United Kingdom see Bush as a cowboy, who rouses the troops when necessary; there is still a belief that he "stole" the last presidential election. Indeed, one BBC radio program reported many complaints when the speeches of "Dubya" interrupted their schedule. Nor was public sentiment appeased when Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld said "we won't know the answer as to what [the British] role will be" before hostilities commenced. Why shouldn't the average British person feel "used" in this war?

Dislike of personalities within the Bush administration is a major factor in British public opposition, but the doubts run deeper. The description of British people as an "island race" is not inaccurate: Anti-European comments are commonplace in the UK media, and — among the older population certainly — there is still a yearning of sorts for the British Empire to return. Others stand deeply opposed to anything smacking of neo-imperialism. In either case, why, people ask, would they want to get involved in someone else's wars? There are enough British war graves around the world as it is.

In the United Kingdom, the biggest supporter of the war is the British government, which would like to command the same level of respect, if not adulation, that George W. Bush receives from his people. But it doesn't, and it knows it. A recent outburst by UK Minister David Blunkett attacking the media for being "progressive and liberal" (ironic, as the governing party often makes claims to being liberal, even progressive) is an indication of the government's frustration. And it doesn't help that shifts of opinion in the government itself are moving almost as quickly as the coalition forces in Iraq. Before the war, the rhetoric was trying to convince the UK public that Saddam had chemical weapons. Now ministers are openly stating on radio that they are hoping that there aren't chemical weapons after all.

At the same time, there are similar sentiments to those across the Atlantic. The fear of a reprisal terrorist attack is paramount in most UK minds. Britain, being an economic powerhouse, is a natural target for anti-Western terrorists, and openly supporting the States has only made its people more fearful. There is widespread fear of a copycat, 9/11-style attack on London's Canary Wharf. And all this despite the fact that many Britons are used to terrorist activities — thanks to Irish Republican Army bombings. This fear, so similar to that of many Americans, also underlies much of the reluctance among the British public to support the war.

People in the United States and the United Kingdom share a wariness of authority, an aptitude for free enterprise and a tolerance and diversity of their communities. But a conflict taking place many miles from either country could end up putting untold strain on a historic relationship.

E-mail Robert Dunford at repd@repd.net.

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